In Zbigniew Brzezinski’s NYT obituary Daniel Lews May writes:
Into his 80s Mr. Brzezinski was still fully active as a teacher, author and consultant: a professor of foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and a frequent expert commentator on PBS and ABC News.
Missing from Mr. May’s summary is any connection of Mr. Brzezinski and the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).
With meticulous detail and an abundance of original research, Patrick M. Wood uses Technocracy Rising to connect the dots of modern globalization. Wood’s maintains that dark horse of the New World Order is not Communism, Socialism or Fascism. It is Technocracy.
In the heat of the Great Depression during the 1930s, prominent scientists and engineers proposed a Utopian energy-based economic system called Technocracy. The technocracy movement was founded by Howard Scott . The term technocracy came to mean, ‘government by technical decision making’, using an energy metric of value. Scott proposed that money be replaced by energy certificates denominated in units such as ergs or joules, equivalent in total amount to an appropriate national net energy budget, and then distributed equally among the North American population, according to resource availability. This radical movement lost momentum by 1940,
In his 1970 piece Between Two Ages: America’s Role in the Technetronic Era, CFR member Brzezinski argued that a coordinated policy among developed nations was necessary to counter global instability. Out of this thesis, CFR member Brzezinski co-founded the Trilateral Commission with CFR member David Rockefeller, serving as director from 1973 to 1976. Technocracy regained its status when it was conceptually adopted by the elitist Trilateral Commission. However equal distribution of the energy budget disappeared and was replaced by people earning energy certificates by the sweat of their brow.
The Trilateral Commission is a group of prominent political and business leaders and academics primarily from the United States, Western Europe and Japan. The majority of U.S. Trilateral members are also members of the CFR. The purpose of the Trilateral Commission was to strengthen relations among the elites of the three most industrially advanced regions of the capitalist world. In 1974, CFR member Brzezinski selected Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter as a member of the Trilateral commission and the CFR.
In the ensuing 41 years, the modern expression of Technocracy and the New International Economic Order is clearly seen in global programs such as Agenda 21, Sustainable Development, Green Economy, Councils of Governments, Smart Growth, Smart Grid, Total Awareness surveillance initiatives and more.
Wood contends that the only logical outcome of Technocracy is Scientific Dictatorship, as already seen in dystopian literature such as Brave New World by Aldous Huxley (1932) and Nineteen Eighty-Four by George Orwell (1948), both of whom looked straight into the face of Technocracy when it was still in its infancy.
In Between Two Ages CFR member Brzezinski writes :
“The technotronic era involves the gradual appearance of a more controlled society. Such a society would be dominated by an elite, unrestrained by traditional values. Soon it will be possible to assert almost continuous surveillance over every citizen and maintain up-to-date complete files containing even the most personal information about the citizen. These files will be subject to instantaneous retrieval by the authorities. ”
Daniel Lewis May’s Obituary follows. It’s updated to include Brzezinski’s ties to the Council on Foreign Relations. Is leaving these ties out of story good journalism or an example of disinformation to keep the people ignorant of the role the Council on Foreign Relations plays in shaping their destiny? A destiny decided by a small inner circle of members of the Council on Foreign Relations.
<CFR member> Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Adviser to <CFR member> Jimmy Carter, Dies at 89
By DANIEL LEWIS MAY 26, 2017
<CFR member> Zbigniew Brzezinski in 1987. He had considerable influence in global affairs, both before and long after his official tour of duty in the White House. Credit Terry Ashe/The LIFE Images Collection, via Getty Images
<CFR member> Zbigniew Brzezinski, the hawkish strategic theorist who was national security adviser to <CFR member> President Jimmy Carter in the tumultuous years of the Iran hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in the late 1970s, died on Friday at a hospital in Virginia. He was 89.
His death, at Inova Fairfax Hospital in Falls Church, was announced on Friday by his daughter, <CFR member> Mika Brzezinski, a co-host of the MSNBC program <CFR member Joe Scarbourgh’s> “Morning Joe.”
<The Morning Joe show is a Propaganda Arm of the Council on Foreign Relations used to shape public opinion to further CFR member ends – photo credit @TJefferson1976>
Like his predecessor <CFR member> Henry A. Kissinger, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski was a foreign-born scholar (he in Poland, Mr. Kissinger in Germany) with considerable influence in global affairs, both before and long after his official tour of duty in the White House. In essays, interviews and television appearances over the decades, he cast a sharp eye on six successive administrations, including that of Donald J. Trump, whose election he did not support and whose foreign policy, he found, lacked coherence.
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski was nominally a Democrat <the CFR advertises they are bipartisan, a euphemism for controlling both the Deomocrat and Republican parties>, with views that led him to speak out, for example, against the “greed,” as he put it, of an American system that compounded inequality <compounded by “greed” of members of the Council on Foreign Relations who no matter how much power and money they have are never find it to be enough>. He was one of the few foreign policy experts to warn against the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
Seated from left in the Oval Office in 1977: Huang Chen of the Chinese Liaison Office, the interpreter Hsu Shan Wei, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski and <CFR member> President Jimmy Carter. Credit Harvey Georges/Associated Press
But in at least one respect — his rigid hatred of the Soviet Union — he had stood to the right of many Republicans, including <CFR member> Mr. Kissinger and <CFR member> President Richard M. Nixon. And during his four years under <CFR member> Mr. Carter, beginning in 1977, thwarting Soviet expansionism at any cost guided much of American foreign policy, for better or worse.
He supported billions in military aid for Islamic militants fighting invading Soviet troops in Afghanistan. He tacitly encouraged China to continue backing the murderous regime of Pol Pot in Cambodia, lest the Soviet-backed Vietnamese take over that country.
He managed to delay implementation of the SALT II arms treaty in 1979 by raising objections to Soviet behavior in Vietnam, Africa and Cuba; and when the Soviets went into Afghanistan late that year, “SALT disappeared from the U.S.-Soviet agenda,” as he noted in a memoir four years later.
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski, a descendant of Polish aristocrats (his name is pronounced Z-BIG-nyehv breh-ZHIHN-skee), was a severe, even intimidating figure, penetrating eyes and strong Polish accent. Washington quickly learned that he had sharp elbows as well. He was adept at seizing the spotlight and freezing out the official spokesman on foreign policy, Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance, provoking conflicts that ultimately led to Mr. Vance’s resignation.
<CFR member> Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance, right, with <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski in 1978. Conflicts between them ultimately led to <CFR member> Mr. Vance’s resignation. Credit The White House Where <CFR member> Mr. Vance had endorsed the <CFR member> Nixon-Kissinger policy of a “triangular” power balance among the United States, China and the Soviet Union, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski scorned such “acrobatics,” as he called them. He advocated instead what he called a deliberate “strategic deterioration” in relations with Moscow, and closer ties to China.
By his own account, he blitzed <CFR member> Mr. Carter with memos until he got permission to go to Beijing in May 1978, over State Department resistance, to begin talks that would lead to full diplomatic relations seven months later. Immediately after the trip, he appeared on “Meet the Press,” unleashing a slashing attack on the Soviet Union that <CFR member> Mr. Vance deplored as “loose talk.”
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski was also a prime mover behind the commando mission sent to rescue the American hostages held by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s revolutionary forces in Iran after the overthrow of the shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi — a disastrous desert expedition in April 1980 that claimed eight lives and never reached Tehran. Mr. <CFR member> Vance had not been informed of the mission until a few days before. It was the final straw: He quit, “stunned and angry,” he said.
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski’s rationale for the rescue attempt was, perhaps inevitably, rooted in his preoccupation with Soviet influence. He contended that trying to gain the release of the hostages through sanctions and other diplomatic measures “would deliver Iran to the Soviets,” although many thought that outcome highly improbable, given the fundamentalism of the clerics running the country. Besides, he said, success would “give the United States a shot in the arm, which it has badly needed for 20 years,” a reference to the quagmire of the Vietnam War.
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski fingered worry beads as he watched <CFR member> Mr. Carter and Anwar el-Sadat, president of Egypt, address Parliament in Cairo in 1979. Credit Associated Press
Soviet aggression in Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America was by no means a figment of <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinki’s imagination. But his strict adherence to ideas in which virtually every issue circled back to the threat of Soviet domination was remarkable even for those tense times, when many in the foreign policy establishment had come to regard détente — a general easing of the geopolitical tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States — as the best course.
In his scholarly certitude, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski sometimes showed a tendency to believe that any disagreement between theory and reality indicated some fault on the part of reality. In his 1962 book “Ideology and Power in Soviet Politics,” for example, he asserted that the Communist bloc “is not splitting and is not likely to split” just as Beijing and Moscow were breaking apart.
With the breakup of the Soviet Union, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski allowed that it would make sense for the United States to engage with Russia, though cautiously, as well as China, “to support global stability.” And although he condemned Russian meddling in elections in the United States and elsewhere, he thought the effects were only marginal relative to the underlying problems shaking up Western societies.
In any case, aside from his ideological principles, he had both personal and historical reasons for abhorring the Soviet system.
Visiting a Pakistani Army outpost in 1980, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski used the sights of a machine gun to look across the Afghan border. He supported billions in military aid for Islamic militants fighting invading Soviet troops in Afghanistan. Credit Bettmann
A Soviet Refugee
<CFR member> Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski was born in Warsaw on March 28, 1928. His father, Tadeusz, was a diplomat who took the family along to France, then to Germany during the rise of Hitler in the 1930s and, fortuitously, to Canada on the eve of World War II. When the Russians took over Poland at the end of the war, Tadeusz Brzezinski chose to retire in Canada rather than return home.
The younger <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski graduated from McGill University in Montreal in 1949 and earned a master’s degree there in 1950. Then it was on to Harvard, which granted him a doctorate in political science in 1953 and appointed him as an instructor. He and <CFR member> Mr. Kissinger were among the candidates for a faculty position; when Mr. Kissinger won an associate professorship in 1959, Mr. Brzezinski decamped to Columbia University.
He was not always consistent in his positions as he moved between one situation and another. When he was appointed to the State Department’s Policy Planning Council in 1966, he had already become an outspoken defender of United States engagement in the Vietnam conflict.
In 1968, after riotous antiwar protests at Columbia and elsewhere, he wrote in The New Republic that students should not be allowed to “rally again under the same leadership,” meaning they should be tried and incarcerated.
<<CFR member> Caspar Weinberger found guilty in the Iran Contra affair and He was pardoned by <CFR member> George H. W. Bush in 1992 . He lied to Congress about his knowledge of the arms sales to Iran and efforts by other countries to help underwrite the Nicaraguan rebels but was too big to serve his time>
<CFR member> Brezezinski second from right, joined top-ranking officials from past administration sat the White House in 1981 to endorse President Ronald Reagan’s bid to sell Awacs radar planes to Saudi Arabia. Credit Bettmann
“If that leadership cannot be physically liquidated, it can at least be expelled from the country,” he wrote.
That same year, however, he resigned from the State Department planning council as a protest against expanded American involvement in the war in Indochina under President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Then he became a foreign policy adviser to <CFR member> Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey, who defended the expansion in his 1968 presidential campaign.
His bond with <CFR member> Jimmy Carter developed through the Trilateral Commission, the group <CFR member> David Rockefeller created in 1973 as a forum for political and business leaders from North America, Western Europe and Japan to consider the challenges facing industrialized countries. Mr. Brzezinski was the commission’s first director. (<CFR member> Mr. Rockefeller died in March.)
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski, left, listened to <CFR member> President Bill Clinton in the Cabinet Room at the White House in 1995 during a meeting of the Committee for American Leadership in Bosnia. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
In 1974, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski invited <CFR member> Mr. Carter, then the governor of Georgia and a rising Democratic star, to become a member. Two years later, <CFR member> Mr. Carter was the Democratic nominee for president, and he hired <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski as a foreign affairs adviser.
Vying for Influence
From the start of his tenure as <CFR member> Mr. Carter’s national security adviser, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski jockeyed for power. He reserved for himself the right to give <CFR member> Mr. Carter his daily intelligence briefing, which had previously been the prerogative of the Central Intelligence Agency. He frequently called journalists to his office for what he called “exclusive” not-for-attribution briefings in which he would put his own spin on events, to the annoyance of Mr. Vance.
And although he was familiarly called Zbig and could be very engaging, he was quick to smack down reporters who dared to challenge his ideas. “I just cut off your head,” he told a journalist after one such retort.
A prolific author, <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski published a memoir in 1983 about his White House years, “Power and Principle,” in which he recalled a range of policy objectives that went beyond containing the Soviets. “First,” he wrote, “I thought it was important to try to increase America’s ideological impact on the world” — to make it again the “carrier of human hope, the wave of the future.”
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski, right, and <CFR member>Brent Scowcroft, another former national security adviser, testified in 2009 before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at a hearing on American strategy regarding Iran. Credit Matthew Cavanaugh/European Pressphoto Agency
He also said that he had aimed to restore America’s appeal in the developing world through better economic relations, but acknowledged that he had concentrated too much of his attention on those countries that he felt were threatened by Soviet or Cuban takeovers.
More recently, in opposing the invasion of Iraq, he predicted that “an America that decides to act essentially on its own” could “find itself quite alone in having to cope with the costs and burdens of the war’s aftermath, not to mention widespread and rising hostility abroad.”
In “Second Chance: Three Presidents and the Crisis of American Superpower,” published in 2007, he assessed the consequences of that war and criticized the successive administrations of <CFR member> George Bush, <CFR member> Bill Clinton and <Son of a CFR member> George W. Bush for failing to take advantage of the possibilities for American leadership from the time the Berlin Wall came down in 1989. He considered <Son of a CFR member> George W. Bush’s record, especially, “catastrophic.” And in the 2008 presidential campaign, he wholeheartedly supported Barack Obama.
Four years later, he once again assessed the United States’ global standing in “Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power.” Here he argued that continued American strength abroad was vital to global stability, but that it would depend on the country’s ability to foster “social consensus and democratic stability” at home.
Essential to those goals, he wrote, would be a narrowing of the yawning income gap between the wealthiest and the rest, a restructuring of the financial system so that it no longer mainly benefited “greedy Wall Street speculators” and a meaningful response to climate change.
A United States in decline, he said — one “unwilling or unable to protect states it once considered, for national interest and/or doctrinal reasons, worthy of its engagement” — could lead to a “protracted phase of rather inconclusive and somewhat chaotic realignments of both global and regional power, with no grand winners and many more losers.”
<CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski, who had homes in Washington and Northeast Harbor, Me., was married to the Czech-American sculptor Emilie Benes, with whom he had two children in addition to Ms. Brzezinski: <CFR member> Mark Brzezinski, a lawyer and former ambassador to Sweden under President Barack Obama, and Ian Brzezinski, whose career has included serving as a deputy assistant secretary of defense. All survive him. He is also survived by a brother, Lech, and five grandchildren.
Into his 80s <CFR member> Mr. Brzezinski was still fully active as a teacher, author and consultant: a professor of foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and a frequent expert commentator on PBS and ABC News.
He was, in short, a man who could be counted on to have strong opinions, and a boundless eagerness to share them. Once, in 1994, he even put forward a sort of disarmament program to solve the problem of breaking ties in the final game of the soccer World Cup.
“In the event of a tie,” he wrote to the sports editor of The Times, “the game should be resumed as a sudden-death overtime, but played with only nine players on each side, with each team compelled to remove two of its defensive players. That change increases the probability of a score and places more emphasis on offensive play. If after 10 minutes of play there is still no score, the game continues with four defenders removed from each team.”
David Binder, Daniel E. Slotnik and Matthew Haag contributed reporting.
A version of this article appears in print on May 27, 2017, on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Security Adviser to Carter, Dies at 89. Order Reprints| Today’s Paper|Subscribe
Enjoy your reunion with your David Rockefeller Zbig! Get ready to greet War Criminal CFR member Henry Kissinger 😉